The Forum of Free Enterprise is a non-political and
non-partisan organization, established in 1956, to
educate public opinion in India on free enterprise and
its close relationship with the democratic way of
life. The Forum seeks to stimulate public thinking on
vital economic problems of the day through booklets
and leaflets, meetings, essay competitions and other
means as befit a democratic society.
The circumstances under which the Forum of Free
Enterprise was founded is very interesting. It is a
great tribute to its founder, A.D. Shroff, who took
upon himself the task of establishing the Forum under
challenging circumstances.
In 1956 anti-private sector feeling was running high.
Though the First Five-Year Plan had ended without
delivering the visualized economic growth, the
Congress Government at the center had decided to go
ahead with its decision of a socialistic pattern of
society for the country. The Marxist rhetoric had
already become the accepted lingua of the day and the
exposure of some scandals in private industrial houses
had tarnished their reputation. In the emergent
conflict between two blocks of superpowers, USA and
USSR, despite India’s avowed neutrality, there was a
more pronounced leaning towards the latter.
The then Prime Minister, Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru, had
already embarked on the large-scale nationalization of
industry – trade and transportation were already
nationalized and insurance was on the verge of being
nationalized. Mr. A.D. Shroff, eminent economist and
the then Chairman of New India Assurance Co Limited,
one of the largest and fastest growing insurance
companies in the country, fought a hard and losing
battle against nationalization. He argued that there
were bad eggs in the business, but regulation and
disciplinary action were the need of the day and not
nationalization. But the government was not even
listening.
Mr. Shroff’s criticism of government grew even more
trenchant. He believed that Nehru’s brand of
socialism and comprehensive planning – which stifled
individual initiative and enterprise and encompassed
all aspects of life – was fast turning India towards
becoming a totalitarian state. Mr. Shroff was
agitated about the blatant manner in which the
government propaganda machinery was being used to
discredit the private sector and romanticize
socialism.
In those days, Nehru and his ministerial colleagues
liked to publicly allege that private enterprise was
incapable of undertaking large-scale and rapid
economic development and that it led to the
concentration of wealth in the hands of a few
people. Nehru himself had gone so far as to say that
‘private enterprise and democracy are incompatible’.
The then Minister for Commerce and Industry at the
Centre, T.T. Krishnamachari, had declared that
‘private enterprise had failed me’.
A.D. Shroff, typically, could not have let such a
claim go unchallenged. He addressed several public
meetings in support of the private sector. At the
same time, one by one, the restrictions on private
enterprise increased – nationalization, licensing,
quotas and a growing mass of red tape began to
smother industry and breed enormous corruption.
Transportation and insurance were among the first
industries to be nationalized.
A.D. Shroff, true to his nature, chose to launch his
own war against the doctrine of State socialism
whose regimentation and control, he said, breed red
tape, waste and corruption. His first target was
those in government who deliberately chose to equate
private enterprise of the twentieth century with the
laisez-faire capitalism of the nineteenth century –
the latter, he stressed, was as dead as the dodo. He
sarcastically suggested that socialists of the day
who denounced capitalism should find ‘some other
innocent pastime than tilting at imaginary
windmills’.
At the same Shroff was conscious that private
enterprise needed to clean up its act. He prepared a
Code of Conduct for industry and said, ‘It is
absolutely imperative that thinking people in the
private sector should make an organized endeavour to
establish the highest standards of integrity and
efficiency.’ He was also for stringent punishment of
those who did not play by the rules.
Shroff, along with a few other intrepid businessmen,
soon decided to set up the Forum of Free Enterprise,
which came in to being in July 1956. The Forum was a
vehicle for like-minded businessmen to counter
government propaganda against private enterprise.
The Forum believed that in a democratic society,
educating public opinion especially the
intelligentsia, was the best antidote to the
doctrinaire policies of the State.
On 18th July 1956, the Forum’s manifesto which was
published in several leading newspapers and had
outlined its policies, sparked off a heated debate
around the country. Within days of its publication,
over a thousand letters were received by the Forum
from across the country, offering suggestions,
support or assistance. Letters came from villages,
talukas, districts; some were scrawled on little
postcards. To Shroff, it was a gratifying sign that
the idea of the Forum had supporters across the
country, coming across economic barriers.
The government disapproved of the Forum and found
different ways of making this known. Industry,
taking its cue from government, also kept its
distance. Nobody had doubts that under Shroff’s
leadership it was bound to be controversial as well
as stringently critical of government. Though many
industrialists were frustrated with government
policy and agreed with the Forum’s philosophy, few
were willing in those days, to appear publicly on
the Forum platform or be seen as its supporters. At
the launch of the Forum, Shroff said that thousands
of people had expressed their support for free
enterprise but admitted that they were afraid of
inviting the wrath of officialdom. Despite their
opposition to the Forum, Shroff’s vast influence
over business and industry ensured that he could
assemble its Council of Management with some
powerful names such as S. Anantharamakrishnan, S.K.
Sen, M.A. Sreenivasan, Sardar Mohan Singh, Narayan
Dandekar, M.R. Masani, S.J. Haji, Col. Leslie
Sawhny, F.S. Mulla, T.M. Desai, K.C. Cooper,
Chimanlal B. Parikh, FP. Mehta, M.A. Master, C.M.
Srinivasan and K.G. Khosla.
A whisper and innuendo campaign had started to claim
that the Forum was foreign-inspired and was financed
by the United States. ‘The Forum, claimed, is
genuinely swadeshi in its genesis and operations as
any other national organization, not excluding the
Congress.’ The suggestion that the Forum received
American financial assistance, was described ‘as
fantastic as expecting to receive remittances from
the man in the moon’.
Finally, Nehru decided to be open about his
displeasure. Manubhai Shah, then the high-profile
union minister of commerce, called Shroff for a
meeting and informed him of Pandit Nehru’s
disapproval. He said that Nehru wanted the Forum to
be wound up. Shroff heard him out in silence and
then simply raised his palms upwards saying “Have
you seen these? These are clean hands, you cannot do
anything to stop me.’
Forum not only anticipated the opposition but also
was prepared for it. One of Mr. Shroff’s biggest
strengths was his ability to marshal his forces and
build support for his stand before venturing to take
on an issue.
This preparation was visible at the Forum too. He
took care to ensure that the Forum was seen as
apolitical. In his inaugural speech he said, ‘We are
not a political organization. Our main, if not the
only, objective is of an educative character.’ In
the nine months before the launch of the Forum,
various people had pressed him to start a political
party with the Forum as the nucleus. Shroff
categorically announced that he had no such
intention. ‘However’, he said ‘we shall continue to
be undeterred by official frowns or even threat
uttered to individual workers of the Forum…’ It is a
tribute to Shroff’s sagacity that the Forum was kept
completely apolitical and could deflect a lot of
criticism.
In fact the Founders insisted that the Forum should
always remain an ad hoc and unregistered body. Even
its funds were not raised through a permanent
corpus. The Forum preferred to mobilise every year
small amounts from thousands of its
members/supporters. Even to this day, the Forum
raises funds only on a yearly basis and only as much
as is required in any given year. He used to say
that when the Forum stopped playing a meaningful
role in society, it would automatically cease to get
support and should then logically cease to exist.
The Forum has no corpus and depends on contribution
from members, admirers and friends for its survival.
Some of its activities are sponsored, while many
others are dependent up on the support from members.
The membership fee received from members and student
associates is very modest and does not even cover
the expenses spent for servicing each member or
student associate. This is as a matter of conscious
decision to spread the message to maximum number of
persons, especially students.
Forum’s concept of free enterprise was one with a
social purpose. The Forum, he said, stood for every
individual in the country having the largest scope
to make a contribution within the framework of
planned development through his initiative and
enterprise. And that it is ready and capable of
making a substantial contribution to society
provided it is not handicapped and hamstrung by the
sort of controls and regulation to which it was
subject. ‘We claim for ourselves the right and
liberty to criticize when we must,’ said Shroff.